The Rise and Fall of Li Tie.
Former Everton midfielder, Li Tie, is at the centre a major corruption scandal in Chinese football. A deep dive into the dark corner of football under a ruthless authoritarian regime.
UPDATE: This article was posted in June 2023. In January 2024, Li Tie appeared on Chinese state TV, and confessed to his crimes. This is a common tactic used in high profile cases, with accused pressured to publicly confess before trial in exchange for leniency in sentencing.
Following his trial in March 2024, when Li Tie pleaded guilty to multiple charges, on Friday 13th December 2024, Li Tie appeared in Xianning City Intermediary Court in Hubei province and was sentenced to 20yrs in prison. He will have the right to appeal this sentence, though it is unlikely he will do so.
Below is the originally article published in June 2023.
Over the last six months, a scandal has erupted at the highest levels of Chinese football. A major anti-corruption drive is now underway, engulfing the national team, the Chinese Super League, club owners, senior officials at the Chinese FA, and potentially senior officials at China’s General Administration of Sport - the state organ responsible for all sport in the People’s Republic of China. One name is at the centre of this scandal - a name that will be familiar to Evertonians of a certain age. Li Tie - the Chinese midfielder who played for Everton between 2002 and 2006. With the anti-corruption probe likely intensifying over the summer, and criminal charges all but certain, we take a look at the situation, exploring the background, the context, China’s criminal system, the alleged crimes, and the likely outcomes.
China’s “Mr Football”
Back in 2004, I went to Goodison Park, accompanying a delegation of Chinese government officials who were visiting the UK to view sports infrastructure as they planned for the Beijing Olympics in 2008. While we lost 1-0 to Charlton, it was a memorable game for more personal reasons: it was at this game that I first met my wife who was translating for the delegation. It was also the last game I attended, having moved to Liverpool in 2019 after living overseas for 15yrs, until this season - taking my 10yr old son to his first game at Goodison against Arsenal.
One reason the officials attended the Everton vs Charlton game in January 2004 was because the profile of our club in China was boosted by a player in our ranks: China’s Li Tie. After standing out in China’s 2002 World Cup team, David Moyes travelled to China to sign Li, who joined Everton for £1.2m from Liaoning FC - a team based in the Manchurian city of Shenyang in China’s industrial north-east. In March 2003, Everton hosted Manchester City at Goodison Park. Li Tie lined up in midfield, with Sun Jihai playing for City. Sun signed for the Sky Blues from Dalian Wanda - China’s best team and fierce provincial rivals of Li Tie’s former club Liaoning FC. The match recorded the highest viewing figures of all time - even more than China’s 2002 World Cup match with Brazil - and is unlikely ever to be matched with over 360m viewers tuning in. Li Tie made 33 appearances in midfield for the Toffees, and proudly spoke of visiting the club years later with his “scouse” daughter who was born in the city.
Li Tie’s playing career after his time at Everton was underwhelming, with injury interrupting his short spell at Sheffield United and their affiliated Chinese club, Chengdu Blades. However, Li made 92 appearances for the Chinese national team and is a household name in China. A bit like China’s Beckham - if we want to make a comparison. After hanging up his boots, Li moved into management after accepting an invitation from Marcello Lippi to become an Assistant Coach at Guangzhou Evergrande, the south China team who have dominated much of the last decade in the Chinese Super League (CSL). He then managed Hebei China Fortune, winning them promotion to the CSL in 2015, before becoming Head Coach of China’s national team in January 2020, replacing his former mentor Marcello Lippi. Li then resigned in December 2021 following China’s poor performances in World Cup qualifiers, returning to focus solely on his role as Head Coach of Wuhan Zall, a position he had held simultaneously whilst managing the China national team.
Then, in November 2022, the bombshell drops. Li Tie has been detained for investigation by Hubei Province’s Central Committee for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) - the feared and loathed internal police force of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCDI, and another state body called the National Supervision Commission (NSC), have almost unchecked powers to detain and interrogate anyone it suspects of Party disciplinary violations, and which operates in an extra-legal and extra-judicial capacity. Above the law. Outside the law. Beyond the law.
The Field of Play
It is perhaps important here to understand the development trajectory of Chinese football over the last decade, and to understand how it relates to state-building projects in contemporary China. Many of us will be familiar with the profligacy of CSL teams in the 2010’s. Coaches including Fabio Cannavaro, Fabio Capello, Sven Goran Eriksson, Manuel Pellegrini, and Andre Villas Boas have managed in the CSL; players including our very own Tim Cahill and Marouanne Fellaini played there. Other stars tempted by the riches on offer include Yannick Carrasco, Axel Witsel, Nicolas Anelka, Didier Drogba, Alex Teixeira, Ezequiel Lavezzi and Javier Mascherano. But the development of football in China is a even more expansive than these headline grabbing transfers and managerial appointments would suggest. Moreover, reform is not primarily focused on the top-tier of professional football nor is it reducible to such displays of profligacy and largesse.
Since Xi Jinping ascended to power in November 2012, football has undergone significant reform. Sport is, in fact, at the heart of consensus building projects that characterise Xi Jinping’s vision for the “China Dream”. Xi’s predecessors sought to grow China’s economy and establish the nation as a major economic powerhouse - an era known to China scholars as “Reform and Opening”. Between 1978 and 2012, China under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao focused on building the productive forces, encapsulated in Deng’s 1992 maxim that “to get rich is glorious”. Yet, following the financial crisis in 2008, China’s double-digit economic growth has slowed, and the legitimacy of the CCP, based on the provision of economic opportunity, became a fragile quid pro quo as those opportunities began to dissipate. Since 2012, Xi Jinping has shifted the focus of Chinese development to establishing a more robust consensus between the state and citizens. The key distinction here is that while Xi’s predecessors sought to build a powerful nation state, Xi Jinping’s policies are focused on creating citizens for that powerful nation state. Sport, and specifically football, has a role to play is fostering and reinforcing consent and national identity.
It is against this backdrop, awash with private sector money and driven by the imperative of the Chinese state’s development goals, that Li Tie’s managerial career has both flourished and floundered. In 2016, the PRC government published the National Football Development Plan which would provide clear guidance for football development from 2016 until 2050. The aim is to establish China as a major football power by the middle of the 21st century. The policy itself divides into three key phases: 2016-2020, 2021-2035 and 2036-2050. The plan involves 21 key objectives with a focus in critical infrastructure projects between 2016-2020, including stadium construction and supporting the development of sports apparel, insurance, media and football-related industries. The medium phase from 2020-2035 aims to establish 20,000 specialised football academies training 30 million Chinese children. In addition, 70,000 facilities for university campus and amateur leagues will be constructed, with the overall aim of having one football facility for every 10,000 people. The final phase, having built and grassroots infrastructure, will seek to develop the professional game further and to have competitive national men’s and women’s teams by 2050.
Football, then, is not simply an industry in China. The Chinese state has mobilised 11 Ministries, four State Commissions, five government agencies, four municipal governments, 21 provincial governments, and even the Supreme People’s Court, Central Bank and CCP Propaganda Department in service of this project. The private sector has also sought to take advantage of the opportunities to build stadia and surrounding shopping centres, five-star hotels, and world class facilities whilst also securing digital media rights and creating an industry where fans can spectate, participate and consume football. The Chinese state also strictly regulates football so that displays of fandom reflect the state vision of citizenship. Football is an arena where fandom is an act of performative citizenship and a space where football fans will support a local club, possibly multiple overseas clubs, and, crucially, the Chinese national team. Unlike here in the UK, where football cultures have been rooted in the communities out of which our clubs have emerged over a period of nearly 150 years, China’s football culture is a top-down cultural industry being imposed according to the vision of the ruling elite.
Chinese Whispers
On 12th November 2022, rumours began swirling that Li Tie had been detained whilst delivering a coaching session in Wuhan, Hubei Province. The lack of clear information is characteristic of anti-corruption probes in China, with no confirmation from official sources. Two weeks later, on the 26th November 2022, state media outlets confirmed the news that Li Tie had been officially detained for investigation after the Hubei CCDI made a public announcement. As is typical of such investigations, the statement revealed that Li Tie had been suspected of “serious violations of the law” - a catch-all phrase that could mean anything, yet which specifies nothing. This was nearly seven months ago, and we still do not know exactly what crimes Li Tie has been accused of committing.
The opacity of China’s legal system, especially with anti-corruption investigations that have been the hallmark of Xi Jinping’s New Era since his ascent to power in 2012, almost guarantees that the rumour mills kick into overdrive when prominent officials are detained. Li Tie’s detention is no exception. China’s equivalent of Twitter, Sina Weibo, flooded with all manner of rumours and comments, with China-based Liverpool supporters declaring en masse that, whatever crimes he’s being accused of, Li Tie must have learned such behaviour from his time at Everton. Further evidence that all kopites are gobshites, wherever in the world they may be. But what do we really know…
Kick-Off
Li has been detained under suspicion of “serious violations of the law”, though he has not, as yet, been formally arrested or charged. Once we get official confirmation of criminal charges against him, it is still unlikely we’ll know more, if any, specific details. However, there are a number of credible rumours circulating.
Li’s time as Head Coach of the China national team coincided with his position as Head Coach of Wuhan Zall. Following Covid-19, Wuhan Zall was docked a total of 18 points by the Chinese FA for failure to pay its players, was subsequently relegated, and then fell into liquidation. One key reason for this is that Li Tie refused to accept a cut to his exorbitant salary of ¥30m (US$4.4m) – a salary he received on top of his ¥8m (US$1.12m) salary from the Chinese FA. Not only this, but when Wuhan Zall’s owner refused to pay him in a bid to stop his club from going under, Li enlisted the help of Chinese FA Chief Chen Xuyuan to strong-arm the club into paying him in full. Yan Zhi, the Wuhan Zall owner watched as his beloved club were hit with points deductions, relegated, descended into financial chaos, and then ceased to exist following liquidiation of the club. Needless to say, Li Tie was labelled a “murderer” by the Wuhan Zall supporters. Yan then then took action that was borne of vengeance and which he must have known would come at severe cost to him personally. In a move that has seen over 100 people in Chinese sports now detained for investigation, Yan collated the evidence of collusion between Li and the Chinese FA to secure his salary, collusion which resulted in the liquidation of Wuhan Zall, and took it to the Hubei Province Central Committee for Discipline Inspection. He ratted Li out. Yan himself was also placed under investigation for corruption, giving credence to the old Confucian proverb that, before you embark on a journey of revenge, always dig two graves. Not just one.
The Not-so-Beautiful Game
Perhaps more problematic for Li are the rumours of his racketeering and extortion in the China national team. It has been alleged that Li insisted that all capped players signed contracts with Li’s own sports agency where the agency received up to 50% of the players’ salary. This included at least one Wuhan Zall player who was given a significant pay rise by Li in his capacity as Head Coach of Wuhan Zall, and whose increased salary kicked back 50% to Li’s agency. The conflict-of-interest alarm bells should have been deafening here, but this kind of brash opportunism and brazen rent-seeking should surprise no-one who has had even a passing association with business in 21st century China. Not only was Li allegedly tying his players to his own agency, but players called up by Li to the Chinese national team would have to pay for the privilege of representing China, with reports in Chinese media putting the figure at ¥3m (US$440k) demanded by Li for a place in the squad. This specific example blurs the lines for many Chinese football fans: not just corruption and avarice, but a treasonous betrayal by Li which potentially harmed the nation’s chances of qualification for the World Cup in 2022. This could be the most destructive charge against Li Tie - the one that paints him as putting his own bank balance before that of China’s best interests.
Red Cards
Two weeks ago, on 25th May, leading Chinese sports journalist Qin Yun reported that Li Tie had been handed over to the authorities for criminal prosecution, although no official announcement has been made. To those of us familiar with the vagaries of China’s criminal justice system, this makes perfect sense. But others usually ask: “Wait. He’s been detained 7 months ago but is only being formally arrested now?”. Here, we’ll explain what Li Tie has been enduring since his initial detention in November 2022, and what will almost certainly transpire over the coming weeks.
In the UK, we enjoy due process and rule of law. We have a judiciary (our courts) that is separate from the executive (our government) and our legislature (parliament). This is commonly referred to as a “separation of powers” and is the basis of liberal democracies’ claims that “no one is above the law”. A criminal prosecution happens when the police arrest you, the Crown Prosecution Service reviews the evidence against you, and makes a decision based on two tests: (a) does the evidence provide a real prospect of conviction?, and (b) is it in the public interest to bring a prosecution? If the answer to both those questions is “Yes”, the CPS approve the prosecution and you are formally charged. You get your day in court (unless you take a plea deal) and can defend yourself. This is not how things work in China.
The Men in Black
Li Tie has not been detained by the police. He has not even been formally arrested yet. He is under investigation by a powerful unit of the CCP called the Central Committee for Discipline Inspection (CCDI). Their role is to root out corruption within the Party. They operate entirely at their own discretion and can detain any Party member suspected of disciplinary violations. Another organisation, the National Supervision Commission (NSC), allows for the detention of non-party members holding public office. The CCDI and NSC are, ostensibly, the same organisation.
When someone is detained by the CCDI, they effectively disappear. No one has had any contact with Li Tie since 12th November 2022. Nearly seven months later, he will have had no contact with family or lawyers and will still not have been formally arrested or charged. His family and any lawyers they may have hired will have no way of contacting him, or even knowing his whereabouts. A wall of silence will meet any efforts they make to get answers on on where he is, how he is, or the reasons for his detention. This process is known in Chinese officialdom as shuanggui or “double designation”: those detained for investigation will be taken to a designated place at a designated time by the CCDI investigators. They will be held in a facility for interrogation, usually located on the outskirts of major urban areas. Both physical and psychological torture, including beatings, stress positions and sleep deprivation, are methods used by CCDI agents to extract confessions - with interrogations lasting as long as necessary until the detainees breaks and confesses. Days. Weeks. Months.
Extra Time
Yet this is only the beginning of Li’s torturous journey. Two weeks ago, Chinese sports journalist Qin Yan reported that Li Tie had been handed over the the People’s Procuratorate - China’s state prosecutors - indicating that criminal charges are pending. Yet there has been no official announcement yet. This announcement will likely come in the following way. Firstly, Li will be expelled from the the CCP. The Party is infallible and this symbolic move ensures that no Party member or official will ever be convicted in court - as they are expelled from the Party before criminal charges are officially made. Secondly, Li ’s case will be transferred to the Procuratorate and he will be transferred to a pre-trial detention centre. These are facilities that are run by the Public Security Bureau, China’s state police, and serve several purposes. The PSB use them as centres to interrogate criminal suspects and extract confessions, yet they are also used pre-trial detention centres and for convicted prisoners serving terms of less than a year. Conditions in these detention centres is much worse than in prisons, which fall under the Ministry of Justice. Typically, cells contain no beds, with 20 or so in-mates in a room measuring 4m x 12m with a single toilet and shower head. The room has a 2m x 12m raised platform on which detainees sleep at night and sit during the day. Cell lights are on 24hrs a day, with 30mins exercise in the morning and afternoon taken in a tiny yard measuring 4m x 5m. Cells are run by “bosses”, and if any discipline needs to be meted out, it is the cell bosses who do this - not the PSB officers running the facility. Cell bosses, usually the top four or five ranked detainees in a single cell, enjoy perks and they run a very tight ship. Most of the day is spent sitting cross-legged on the floor staring forward. No talking is allowed. Its in a facility like this that Li Tie will spend the next three to six months, possibly longer., as he awaits his trial.
Penalties
Once formally charged by the Procuratorate, conviction is an absolute certainty. There are no plea deals, and all cases go to trial. The conviction rate is upwards of 99.7%, and the best any detainee can hope for is that the sentence will be lenient. To ensure this, a guilty plea is essential, as is a confession and full cooperation with the PSB officers and Procuratorate who are handling your case. The trial itself is not an adversarial trial in a common law court where two “sides” compete to prove guilt or innocence - but an inquisitorial trial in a civil law court led by a judge who directs proceedings. Your lawyer doesn’t speak for you, you answer the judge and the prosecutor directly, with your lawyer able to make a statement on your behalf only at the end of proceedings. The judge directs proceedings, and defendants are presented with evidence which they are asked to either confirm or challenge. Challenging evidence presented against you is not a good idea, as this potentially wastes the court’s time and will be interpreted as a lack of sincerity in the guilty plea you’ve almost certainly entered. Such challenges will likely result in a harsher sentence being handed down. In this scenario, once you are formally charged, your sole objective is to get the most lenient sentence possible. The fight is already lost. It really is just a matter of how badly you want to lose.
Own Goals
We do not know what charges Li Tie will eventually face, but the chances are these will be announced in the next couple of weeks. If the rumour mill is to be believed, it is likely he will at least face charges of taking bribing, extortion, abuse of power, and other charges. What is arguably more important is whether or not Li is the real target of this anti-graft campaign - or whether others at the Chinese FA and General Sports Administration are those the CCDI wants to snare in their dragnet. However, working against Li are other factors, including the fact he is a household name in China, and that he is alleged to have compromised the performance of the national team for his own personal gain. This could be a major “own goal” unlikely to be forgiven by either the CCP or most people in China. Not only has Li fallen foul of an anti-corruption drive, he’s also sullied a major state-building project associated directly with Xi Jinping - the price for which could be a merciless punishment meted out by the courts. Li could be looking at a minimal sentence of 5-10yrs for bribery, depending on the severity, but anything up to and including a death sentence - though in the unlikely event this is the sentence handed down it would usually be suspended for two years and commuted to life imprisonment after that 2yr period. Its also an absolute certainty that all his property and wealth will be confiscated, along with the deprivation of political rights - a sentence which effectively silences Li and banishes him from public life - for an extended period of time up to and including life.
Game Over
It is a sad end to a quite stellar career for Li Tie. While its tempting to think that, until such time as Li is formally charged, some hope remains, those of us familiar with the China’s criminal justice system and the anti-corruption campaigns of the last decade know that all hope is effectively lost. The conviction and imprisonment of Li is all but guaranteed, and the only real surprise that could be sprung is whether other “tigers” will be ensnared in this already sprawling anti-corruption drive. Yet this is a story that, while we may find shocking, is not only run-of-the-mill in China, it is the norm. Since 2012, in excess of 5 million officials have be subjected to some form of CCDI investigation, with corruption cases brought before the courts in excess of 3 million. The only difference this time is that, a world away from Beijing’s ruthless authoritarian system, there will be many of us in the Blue half of Merseyside who will be hoping against hope that Li Tie is shown some mercy, and that his family receive some news on his health and well-being sooner rather than later.
Mike Gow (Twitter: @mikeygow; @mikeygow.bsky.social) is Lecturer in Business and Management at Edge Hill Business School. He holds a PhD in East Asian Studies, specialising in Chinese politics and the role of cultural industries in state-building projects. His research has analysed state propaganda campaigns under the Xi Jinping administration (2012-present), China’s emergent football sector and their National Football Development Plan, and the nature of state-citizen relations in contemporary China. In 2019, after 15 years in China, he moved back to the UK and now lives in Liverpool with his wife and son.